The Acholi people were at the epicenter of a two-decade war in Northern Uganda from 1986 to 2006. The conflict originated as a campaign of revenge by an ethnic army (NRA) led by President Yoweri Museveni against the former government soldiers, predominantly Acholi, who had been overthrown. What began as a pacification effort escalated into a prolonged war against a rebel group fighting the government.
Before the war, the Acholi people enjoyed economic stability with thriving herds of cattle, agricultural produce, and cooperative societies. They were able to educate their children and maintain strong family structures. However, the government’s actions, including burning their homes and granaries and forcing them into so-called protected camps, resulted in the complete destruction of their livelihoods.
With no compensation provided, approximately 1.8 million Acholi were displaced into internally displaced persons (IDP) camps. Following the 2006 Juba Peace Talks, these individuals were again forced to leave the camps and return to bushy, long-abandoned homes—without any economic support. Thousands perished due to disease, abduction, and murder. UNICEF reports indicate that over 30,000 children were lost, and more than 700,000 people perished.
The Case for Reparation
According to the National Coalition of Blacks for Reparations in America, reparation is “a process of repairing, healing, and restoring a people injured due to their group identity and in violation of their fundamental human rights by governments, corporations, institutions, and families.” The case of the Acholi aligns with this definition, as they endured what many have termed a “brilliant genocide.”
While other regions such as Lango have successfully leveraged political pressure to secure economic benefits, Acholi leaders have largely failed to advocate effectively for reparations. While Acholi Members of Parliament (MPs) recently petitioned for 2 billion Ugandan shillings to compensate war debt claimants, these funds were predominantly allocated to other regions such as Lango and Teso, leaving the Acholi marginalized.
Acholi leaders in government have not championed the cause of reparations, prioritizing personal enrichment over the welfare of their people. Figures like Todwong, a high-ranking NRM official, and Mao, the Minister for Justice and Constitutional Affairs, have failed to push for legislation to compensate Acholi victims.
The Need for Justice
Reparations are not merely a financial settlement; they are a legal and moral obligation. Internationally, various groups have received reparations, including:
Jewish victims of the Holocaust
Japanese Americans interned during World War II
Alaska Natives for land and resource exploitation
Victims of the Rosewood massacre in Florida
Native Americans for treaty violations
Political dissenters in Argentina and their descendants
The Acholi, along with other war-affected Ugandan communities such as Lango, Teso, Kasese, and West Nile, deserve the same recognition and compensation.
International Precedents and the ICC
On October 21, 2016, the International Criminal Court (ICC) authorized the Trust Fund for Victims to implement symbolic collective reparations in the Thomas Lubanga case. Lubanga, a convicted war criminal from the Democratic Republic of the Congo, was found guilty of massive human rights violations, including murder, torture, and the conscription of child soldiers.
Despite this precedent, the ICC has failed to mandate compensation for the millions affected by the Ugandan conflict. More than 30,000 Acholi children were abducted, enslaved, and used as child soldiers or sex slaves, while government forces either failed to protect them or actively participated in atrocities.
The ICC’s conviction of Dominic Ongwen—a former child soldier who became a commander in the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA)—highlighted individual accountability but ignored the broader need for reparations. The Ugandan government, which failed to protect its citizens and forced them into IDP camps where they suffered immense hardship, must be held accountable.
Conclusion: No Reparation, No Votes
Acholi leaders must push for reparations through legal and political avenues, including international courts. The Acholi people must stand united and demand that reparations be included in the national budget, ensuring resources for education and economic development rather than reliance on politically motivated financial handouts.
The world must recognize the suffering of the Acholi and support their call for justice. The demand is clear: No reparations, no votes for the NRM.
Mwaka Emmanuel Lutukumoi
Acholi.
Former DP National Spokesman
Former Director, UYAP NGO
Founder, Teokono Night Commuters Baghdad
Former RDC, Lira and Kitgum
Author, Immigrant living in the USA.
Email…lutukumoifoundation.com1@gmail.com
